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Tunisian bread riots

29 Dec 1983 — After the government announces that the price of bread and semolina will roughly double, riots break out in Douz and the oases of the Nefzaoua, spreading north through Kasserine and Gafsa to Tunis by 3 January. On 6 January Bourguiba cancels the increase.

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Map: Tunisian bread riots, 29 December 1983
29 DECEMBER 1983 · PROTEST AND CHANGE: SECOND-WAVE FEMINISM AND TUNISIA, 1945–2015

The moment in context

The Personal Status Code was possible because Bourguiba’s state depended less on traditional authorities than any of its neighbours. It was decreed on 13 August 1956 and took effect on 1 January 1957, before Tunisia even had a constitution. The sociologist Mounira Charrad explains why Tunisia went further than Morocco or Algeria. The Neo-Destour was a party of urban professionals and townsmen of the Sahel, the coastal plain around Sousse and Monastir, and it had defeated a rival nationalist faction backed by rural notables and conservative clergy. It therefore did not need the support of tribal kin groups, whose power rested on family law that kept property and marriages within the lineage. Bourguiba presented the Code as a modern reading of Islamic law, drawing on reformers such as Tahar Haddad, whose 1930 book on women in the Sharia had been condemned by the religious establishment. On the map Tunisia is blue while Algeria, then a French colony at war, and Libya remain parchment, because their family law still allowed polygamy, a contrast that came from the structure of each state more than from its religion.

From Tunisia under Bourguiba, chapter 7 of Protest and Change: Second-Wave Feminism and Tunisia, 1945–2015 (1956).

The place: Tunisian bread riots — map and full story →

Teach this in 5 minutes

Then ask the room: Was the Personal Status Code a victory for Tunisian women, or a tool of Bourguiba’s state? The argued answer is on the chapter page →

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Protest and Change: Second-Wave Feminism and Tunisia, 1945–2015
12 CHAPTERS · AN INTERACTIVE SITUATION MAP

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