Industrial Revolution · 1913
Was India impoverished by industry or by imperial rule?
The seminar question: “Was the impoverishment of regions such as India the result of industrial competition or of imperial rule?”
After 1850 steamships, the telegraph and the Suez Canal, opened in 1869, joined the world into one economy organised around the industrial countries. Britain opened markets through what historians call the imperialism of free trade, while most of Asia and Africa became colonies or were bound by unequal treaties.
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Three technologies shrank the world after 1850, and the arrows on the map trace them. Iron steamships with compound engines, which used their steam twice to save coal, made long ocean voyages reliable and cheap from the 1860s, and coaling stations such as Singapore refuelled them. The Suez Canal, opened on 17 November 1869, cut the distance from London to Bombay from about 10,700 to 6,300 nautical miles. The telegraph carried information faster than any ship: a cable across the Atlantic worked from 1866, and in 1870 a line from Porthcurno in Cornwall to Bombay carried in minutes messages that had taken weeks by mail. London investors could now manage mines and railways on other continents. Because the prices of grain, cotton and cloth now converged across oceans, a producer’s real competitors could for the first time be on the far side of the world.
The short answer
- Steam and cable shrank distance. Steamships and undersea cables cut the cost of moving goods and messages so far that distance stopped protecting local markets. Compound engines, which used their steam twice, cut the coal a steamship burned, iron and later steel hulls made ships larger, and coaling stations from Gibraltar to Singapore refuelled them. Undersea cables, insulated with gutta-percha, a latex from Malayan trees, carried telegraph messages beneath the oceans. Bulky goods such as grain and cotton could now be traded profitably across the world, the global version of what railways had done for Britain.
- Industry demanded raw materials. Factories in Europe and the United States consumed cotton, jute, wool, rubber, copper, tin, palm oil and grain on a scale no local supply could meet. Lubricants and soap for industrial Europe came from West African palm oil, sacks for the world’s grain from Bengal jute, tyres from Congo and Amazon rubber. The search for these materials pulled distant regions into the industrial economy as suppliers, on terms they rarely set.
- Free trade backed by force. Britain preached free trade, commerce with few barriers, and, where rulers refused it, imposed it. The Opium War, fought after China tried to stop British opium sales, opened China in 1842, treaties forced low import taxes on the Ottoman Empire, Egypt, Persia, Siam (now Thailand) and Japan, and the colonial government kept India’s import taxes low on British goods. The historians Gallagher and Robinson called this the imperialism of free trade, meaning control through trade and treaties where possible and conquest where necessary. Open markets for industrial goods were often the first demand a gunboat made.
- Capital from London. London’s capital shaped what the rest of the world built: British investors held about £4 billion of overseas assets by 1914, much of it in railways, ports, mines and government bonds, or loans to governments. In India the colonial government guaranteed railway companies a return of about five per cent, paid from Indian taxes, so British investors bore little risk. Capital went where profits and political security lay, so it built the railways and ports that carried raw materials out, and few of the factories that might have competed with Britain’s.
THE TURNING POINT
The Suez Canal, 17 November 1869. The opening of the Suez Canal is the hinge because it fused the steamship, the empire and the world market into a single system. It cut the voyage between Britain and India by about 40 per cent and made the route to Asia a steamship route, since sailing ships found the Red Sea’s winds and the narrow canal almost impossible. Within a year the telegraph to Bombay ran alongside it. The canal became so vital to Britain that it bought the Egyptian ruler’s shares in 1875 and occupied Egypt in 1882, a sequence in which economic integration led to political control.
What it changed
Nationalism grows from economic grievance. Economic grievance gave Indian nationalism its sharpest argument. The Indian nationalist Dadabhai Naoroji argued that British rule drained India’s wealth, and the Indian National Congress, a party of educated Indians founded in 1885 that later led the independence movement, took up the charge. In 1905 the swadeshi movement in Bengal, whose name means ‘of one’s own country’, boycotted British cloth and urged Indians to buy Indian goods. The cloth that had once marked India’s loss became a weapon of its resistance.
A world of migrants. Steamships made mass migration cheap, because a voyage that had taken six weeks under sail now took about ten days. Tens of millions of Europeans crossed the Atlantic, and Indian and Chinese workers moved to plantations and mines across the tropics, many under indenture, a contract binding them to an employer for years. The epilogue’s arrows trace these movements and ask who gained from them, and who was carried away from home by debt and coercion. Cheap passages let labour move to wherever capital needed it, which redrew the population of whole continents.
The Great Divergence hardens. The Great Divergence, the gap between the West and the rest, became part of the world economy’s structure: by 1900 Europe and the United States made about 85 per cent of the world’s manufactured goods, and the income gap between the industrial core and most of Asia and Africa had widened enormously. Historians still debate how much of it came from industrial competition and how much from empire. A gap that had been modest in 1750 now separated the countries that made goods from those that supplied them, and it would take a century to begin closing.
The full answer, argued
Industrial competition did real and lasting damage. Lancashire’s machines made cloth so cheaply that Bengal’s weavers lost their export markets, and the economists Clingingsmith and Williamson argue that India’s share of world manufacturing would have fallen steeply even under Indian rule, since India’s own wages and food prices had risen after the Mughal empire, which had ruled most of India, fragmented and droughts struck. Imperial rule shaped how the damage fell. The colonial government kept import taxes low on British goods and from 1896 taxed Indian mill cloth, guaranteed British railway investors their returns from Indian taxes, and paid for an army and administration that nationalists such as Naoroji called a drain. The historian Tirthankar Roy warns against assuming total ruin, since weaving by hand adapted and Indian-owned mills grew. A balanced answer is that industrial technology made the decline of Indian hand industry likely, and empire removed the tools, such as taxes on imports and an investing state, that Germany, the United States and Japan used to industrialise. Competition set the challenge, and political power decided who could answer it.
An interesting fact
Steam made the whole world a journey of weeks: in 1889–90 the American journalist Nellie Bly travelled around it in 72 days, beating the fictional record of Phileas Fogg in Jules Verne’s novel Around the World in Eighty Days (1872). Her route was a tour of this chapter’s map: steamers through the Suez Canal to Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), Singapore and Hong Kong, a crossing of the Pacific to San Francisco, and a train across the United States. Verne could plot an eighty-day circuit only because the Suez Canal opened in 1869 and a railway first crossed India from Bombay to Calcutta in 1870, so even the era’s fiction ran on its new infrastructure.
This is the study layer of Great Divergence and global trade, chapter 11 of The Industrial Revolution, 1750–1914; the full index of the atlas is here.
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